Breitbart contact email

Breitbart contact email


  • Down the Breitbart Hole
  • Uncovering potentially illegal coordination with conservative Fox News, Breitbart, OANN
  • Netanyahu names ex-Breitbart journalist as his campaign chief
  • Can Shopify sell MAGA hats and social justice at the same time? It's about to find out
  • What Steve Bannon really wants
  • Down the Breitbart Hole

    February 3, This article is more than 2 years old. What does Donald Trump want for America? If there is a political vision underlying Trumpism, however, the person to ask is not Trump.

    Bannon, the chief strategist of the Trump administration. Bannon transcended his working-class Virginia roots with a stint in the Navy and a degree from Harvard Business School, followed by a career as a Goldman Sachs financier. He moved to Los Angeles to invest in media and entertainment for Goldman, before starting his own investment bank specializing in media. Through a combination of luck a fallen-through deal left him with a stake in a hit show called Seinfeld and a knack for voicing outrage, Bannon remade himself as a minor luminary within the far edge of right-wing politics, writing and directing a slew of increasingly conservative documentaries.

    While at Breitbart, Bannon ran a popular talk radio call-in show and launched a flame-throwing assault on mainstream Republicans, embracing instead a fringe cast of ultra-conservative figures. Among them was Trump, a frequent guest of the show. The White House did not respond to our request to speak with Bannon.

    But his time as a conservative filmmaker and head of Breitbart News reveals a grand theory of what America should be. Since this enlightened era, things have gradually gotten worse. He takes on this issue in more detail in Generation Zero, a documentary he wrote and directed. This shift gave rise to socialist policies that encouraged dependency on the government, weakening capitalism. Eventually, this socialist vision succeeded in infiltrating the very highest levels of institutional power in America.

    Underlying all of this is the philosophy of Edmund Burke, an influential 18th-century Irish political thinker whom Bannon occasionally references. In Reflections on the Revolution in France, Burke presents his view that the basis of a successful society should not be abstract notions like human rights, social justice, or equality.

    Rather, societies work best when traditions that have been shown to work are passed from generation to generation. The baby boomers, Bannon says in a lecture given to the Liberty Restoration Foundation LRF , failed to live up to that Burkean responsibility by abandoning the tried-and-true values of their parents nationalism, modesty, patriarchy, religion in favor of new abstractions pluralism, sexuality, egalitarianism, secularism.

    For both Burke and Bannon, failure to pass the torch results in social chaos. The new liberal order Once in power, the liberal, secular, global-minded elite overhauled the institutions of democracy and capitalism to tighten its grip on power and the ability to enrich itself. This pattern of exploitation came to a head in the global financial and economic crisis. Wall Street—enabled by fellow global elites in government—spun profits out of speculation instead of investing their wealth in domestic jobs and businesses.

    When the resulting bubble finally burst, the immoral government stuck hardworking American taxpayers with the bailout bill. Channeling the spirit of the Tea Party, Bannon blames Republicans as much as Democrats for taking part in cronyism and corruption at the expense of middle class families.

    And it has made it impossible for the current generation to bequeath a better future to its successors, to fulfill its Burkean duty.

    Judeo-Christian values So what exactly are these traditions that Americans are meant to pass along to future generations? But capitalism alone is not enough. This shared morality ensures that businesses invest not just for their own benefit, but also for the good of native workers and future generations. For Bannon, this tradition is God; nation-states that establish people as the arbiters of truth and justice will ultimately give way to tyranny. The film is full of Robertson offering similar aphorisms about how society falls apart without a religious foundation.

    After all, both of these are traditions that have led America to success in the past. What he believes is that the founding fathers built the nation based on a set of values that come from the Judeo-Christian tradition. In order to make sure the whole country is on board with these values, it must limit or halt the influx of people who do not share them by rallying around nationalism.

    Immigrant labor boosts the corporate profits of globalists and their cronies, who leave it to middle-class natives to educate, feed, and care for these foreigners. The atheistic, pluralist social order that has been allowed to flourish recoils at nationalism and patriotism, viewing them as intolerant and bigoted.

    Mired in near-zero growth and financial chaos, the European Union epitomizes the catastrophic fate of a globalist system governed by elites who are not accountable to the citizens that elected them. This shared set of Judeo-Christian, nationalist values prevents minorities from claiming special rights. At the same time, Torchbearer celebrates Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. This erosion of Judeo-Christian nationalism weakens the country.

    Again, this applies not just to America, but also to other Western countries. A theory of generations The crisis of capitalism and the undermining of the Judeo-Christian West that Bannon proclaims in his Vatican lecture is not an isolated event. It is, in his view, one of a repeated cycle of crises that occurs periodically, each of which inevitably culminates in war and conflict on a grand scale. This is the great Fourth Turning in American history.

    The theory views American history through the lens of repeated cycles lasting roughly 80 years, about the length of a single lifetime. What exactly is the current crisis? In , he appears to have regarded it as the result of the debt racked up in the s and the financial crisis. This crisis threatens the very sovereignty of our country.

    Comparing the current crisis to events like the Revolutionary War and World War II, Bannon appears to believe that the US is heading inevitably toward violent conflict. This interpretation is backed up by other statements from and about Bannon. Bannon had clearly thought a long time both about the domestic potential and the foreign policy implications of Strauss and Howe. More than once during our interview, he pointed out that each of the three preceding crises had involved a great war, and those conflicts had increased in scope from the American Revolution through the Civil War to the Second World War.

    He expected a new and even bigger war as part of the current crisis, and he did not seem at all fazed by the prospect. Who else could this war be fought against? In the Vatican lecture, Bannon goes further. Other ideas he has supported include : a US nonprofit focused on promoting a favorable image of Muslims is a terrorist front; the Islamic Society of Boston mosque was behind the Boston Marathon bombing; and Muslim-Americans are trying to supplant the US constitution with Shariah law.

    Darth Vader. The media here is the opposition party. They still do not understand why Donald Trump is the president of the United States. He frequently references his Harvard and Goldman Sachs pedigrees. Torchbearer is a tour de force of gore. There are at least six separate shots of falling guillotines, as well as lingering footage of nuclear radiation victims, mass burials from Nazi gas chambers, and various ISIL atrocities.

    Bannonism begins? Bannon savors the power of symbolism. Sign me up By providing your email, you agree to the Quartz Privacy Policy.

    Uncovering potentially illegal coordination with conservative Fox News, Breitbart, OANN

    But an explosive cache of documents obtained by BuzzFeed News proves that there was plenty of room for those voices on his website. It thrives on them, fueling and being fueled by some of the most toxic beliefs on the political spectrum — and clearing the way for them to enter the American mainstream.

    These documents chart the Breitbart alt-right universe. They reveal how the website — and, in particular, Yiannopoulos — links the Mercer family, the billionaires who fund Breitbart, to underpaid trolls who fill it with provocative content, and to extremists striving to create a white ethnostate. And the cache of emails — some of the most newsworthy of which BuzzFeed News is now making public — expose the extent to which this machine depended on Yiannopoulos, who channeled voices both inside and outside the establishment into a clear narrative about the threat liberal discourse posed to America.

    Often, the documents reveal, this anger came from a legion of secret sympathizers in Silicon Valley, Hollywood, academia, suburbia, and everywhere in between. As someone of Jewish ancestry, I of course condemn racism in the strongest possible terms. I have stopped making jokes on these matters because I do not want any confusion on this subject. I disavow Richard Spencer and his entire sorry band of idiots. I have been and am a steadfast supporter of Jews and Israel.

    I disavow white nationalism and I disavow racism and I always have. Steve Bannon, the other Breitbart employees named in the story, and the Mercer family did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

    And these documents present the clearest look at what these people may have in store for America. A year and a half ago, Milo Yiannopoulos set himself a difficult task: to define the alt-right.

    In summer , after spending a year gathering momentum through GamerGate — the opening salvo of the new culture wars — he convinced Breitbart upper management to give him his own section. Yiannopoulos was a useful soldier whose very public identity as a gay man one who has now married a black man helped defend him, his anti-political correctness crusade, and his employer from charges of bigotry. But now Yiannopoulos had a more complicated fight on his hands.

    The left — and worse, some on the right — had started to condemn the new conservative energy as reactionary and racist. So he reached out to key constituents, who included a neo-Nazi and a white nationalist. Will you hate me too much if I do that? He suggested that the story should show in more detail how Yiannopoulos and most of the alt-right rejected the actual neo-Nazis in the movement. It was also ready, on a separate email chain, for another read and round of comments from the white nationalist Saucier, the feudalist Yarvin, the neo-Nazi Weev, and Vox Day.

    Bush staffer and a contributing editor of the American Conservative. Am I missing something here? And its influence is still being felt. The machine had worked well. The previous November, Yiannopoulos emailed Bannon with a bone to pick. Breitbart London reported that a London college student behind a popular social justice hashtag had threatened the anti-Islam activist Pamela Geller.

    I spoke to pamela geller and even she said it was rubbish. We can and should win by telling the truth. When I need your advice on anything I will ask. The tech site is a total clusterfuckmeaningless stories written by juveniles. Drop your toys, pick up your tools and go help save western civilization.

    First it was a continued attack on Shaun King, the writer and Black Lives Matter activist whose ethnicity Yiannopoulos had called into question. Brilliant cultural commentator who really got pop culture, the hipster scene and advant [sic] garde….

    In May, Bannon invited Yiannopoulos to Cannes for a week for the film festival. The boat was the Sea Owl, a foot yacht owned by the hedge fund billionaire Robert Mercer, who is a major funder of Breitbart and various other far-right enterprises. The Mercers were in town to promote Clinton Cash, a film produced by Bannon and their production studio, Glittering Steel.

    On board, Yiannopoulos drank with, mingled with, and interviewed Phil Robertson, the lavishly bearded patriarch of Duck Dynasty, for his podcast. Yiannopoulos passed it to Charlie Nash, an year-old Englishman whom he had met at a conference of the populist right-wing UK Independence Party conference the previous year, and who started working as his intern immediately after.

    Like some bleach-blonde messiah of anti—political correctness, Yiannopoulos tended to draw in ideologically sympathetic young men at conferences, campus speeches, and on social media, accumulating more and more acolytes as he went along. In September it was Tom Ciccotta, the treasurer of the class of at Bucknell University, who still writes for Breitbart. In February it was Hunter Swogger, a University of Michigan student and then the editor of the conservative Michigan Review, whom Yiannopoulos cultivated and brought on as a social media specialist during his Dangerous Faggot tour.

    I need one or two people of my own. Milo: for your eyes only we r going to use the mercers private security company. As Yiannopoulos made the transition in summer from being a writer to becoming largely the star of a traveling stage show, Fleuette was enlisted to process and wrangle the legion of young assistants, managers, trainers, and other talent the Breitbart tech editor demanded be brought along for the ride.

    The two planned a press conference outside a mosque attended by the shooter, Omar Mateen. And it gave Yiannopoulos a staff loyal to him above Breitbart. It also sometimes led to extraordinarily fraught organizational and personal dynamics.

    But the men were spying on each other. Mike Mahoney, a then—year-old from North Carolina, had to be monitored because of his propensity for racism and anti-Semitism on social media. As the Dangerous Faggot tour swung into gear, Yiannopoulos grew increasingly hostile toward Fleuette, whom he excoriated for late payments to his young crew, lack of support, and disorganization. He also heard, with frequency, from accomplished people in predominantly liberal industries — entertainment, tech, academia, fashion, and media — who resented what they felt was a censorious coastal cultural orthodoxy.

    Taken together, they represent something like a network of sleeper James Damores , vexed but silent for fear of losing their jobs or friends, kvetching to Yiannopoulos as a pressure valve.

    They sometimes became more ammunition for the culture war. In an email to BuzzFeed News, Grandmaison wrote that he was merely voicing concern about a black man being judged by the media, and that "I didn't intend for [Milo] to write about it.

    According to the Google employee, the sign had turned into an HR problem after employees were angered that Gogy was identified as male. Vivek Wadhwa , a prominent entrepreneur and academic, reached out repeatedly to Yiannopoulos with stories of what he considered out-of-control political correctness. First it was about a boycott campaign against a Kickstarter with connections to GamerGate. Then it was about Y-Combinator cofounder Paul Graham; Wadwha felt Graham was being unfairly targeted for an essay he wrote about gender inequality in tech.

    Thiel declined to comment for the story. In addition to tech and entertainment, Yiannopoulos had hidden helpers in the liberal media against which he and Bannon fought so uncompromisingly. We just learned about this and have begun a formal review into the matter. Rachel Fulton Brown, a University of Chicago medievalist, sent Yiannopoulos dozens of emails about the history of Christianity, the Crusades, and the righteousness of the West.

    Scott Walter, president of the conservative think tank the Capital Research Center, advised Yiannopoulos frequently on Republican politics and Catholicism. Yiannopoulos recommended one of his young assistants to Walter for a research project.

    And Ghaffar Hussain, who had previously worked at the controversial counterextremism organization Quilliam, sent Yiannopoulos news that a lecturer at a British university had spoken ambivalently of female genital mutilation. The note immediately led to a story on Breitbart. He was a powerful magnet, able to attract the cultural resentment of an enormously diverse coalition and process it into an urgent narrative about the way liberals imperiled America.

    It was no wonder Bannon wanted to groom Yiannopoulos for media infamy: The bigger the magnet got, the more ammunition it attracted. But Yiannopoulos had also drawn others into the machine, others to whom a message about Western culture under threat meant much darker things. Devin Saucier For nearly a decade, Devin Saucier has been establishing himself as one of the bright young things in American white nationalism.

    In , while at Vanderbilt University, Saucier founded a chapter of the defunct white nationalist student group Youth for Western Civilization, which counts among its alumni the white nationalist leader Matthew Heimbach.

    Richard Spencer called him a friend. For the past several years, according to an observer of far-right movements, Saucier has worked as an assistant to Jared Taylor, possibly the most prominent white nationalist in America. Saucier — who did not respond to numerous requests for comment — clearly illustrates the direct connection between open white nationalists and their fellow travelers at Breitbart.

    By spring , Yiannopoulos had begun to use him as a sounding board, intellectual guide, and editor. On May 1, Yiannopoulos emailed Saucier asking for readings related to class-based affirmative action; Saucier responded with a half dozen links on the subject, which American Renaissance often covers.

    Saucier also seems to have had enough clout with Yiannopoulos to get him to kill a story. On May 9, the Breitbart tech editor sent Saucier a full draft of the class-based affirmative action story. Very on brand for me. As his profile rose, he attracted hordes of blazingly racist social media followers — the kind of people who harassed the black Ghostbusters actress Leslie Jones so severely on Twitter that the platform banned Yiannopoulos for encouraging them.

    Patronizing contempt. Your heart is in the right place, young lady, now get a shower and shave those pits. I need to stay, if not clean, then clean enough. It came in the form of a media relations apparatus that issued immediate and vehement threats of legal action against outlets that described Yiannopoulos as a racist or a white nationalist. Please issue a correction before we explore additional options to correct this error immediately. The resulting retractions or corrections — or refusals — even spawned a new category of Breitbart story.

    View this video on YouTube Yiannopoulos singing "America the Beautiful" Saucier can be seen in the video filming the performance. And there was no way the journalists threatened with lawsuits for calling Yiannopoulos a racist could have known about his passwords. Getty Images 4 Early in the morning of August 17, , as news began to break that Steve Bannon would leave Breitbart to run the Trump campaign, Milo Yiannopoulos emailed the man who had turned him into a star.

    And the two went back and forth over how hard to hit Paul Ryan in an August story defending the alt-right. Still, as the campaign progressed into the fall, there were clues that Bannon continued to run aspects of Breitbart and guide the career of his burgeoning alt-right star.

    On September 1, Bannon forwarded Yiannopoulos a story about a new Rutgers speech code; Yiannopoulos forwarded it to Bokhari and asked for a story. And on September 11, Bannon introduced Yiannopoulos over email to the digital strategist and Trump supporter Oz Sultan and instructed the men to meet. Trump "used phrases extremely close to what I say — Bannon is feeding him. Yet, by the early days of the Trump presidency — and as the harder and more explicitly bigoted elements within the alt-right fought to reclaim the term — Bannon had clearly established a formal distance from Yiannopoulos.

    On February 14, Yiannopoulos, who months earlier had worked hand in glove with Bannon, asked their mutual PR rep for help reaching him. He resigned from Breitbart under pressure two days later, but not before his attorney beseeched Solov and Marlow to keep him.

    Netanyahu names ex-Breitbart journalist as his campaign chief

    In Reflections on the Revolution in France, Burke presents his view that the basis of a successful society should not be abstract notions like human rights, social justice, or equality. Rather, societies work best when traditions that have been shown to work are passed from generation to generation. The baby boomers, Bannon says in a lecture given to the Liberty Restoration Foundation LRFfailed to live up to that Burkean responsibility by abandoning the tried-and-true values of their parents nationalism, modesty, patriarchy, religion in favor of new abstractions pluralism, sexuality, egalitarianism, secularism.

    For both Burke and Bannon, failure to pass the torch results in social chaos. The new liberal order Once in power, the liberal, secular, global-minded elite overhauled the institutions of democracy and capitalism to tighten its grip on power and the ability to enrich itself. This pattern of exploitation came to a head in the global financial and economic crisis. Wall Street—enabled by fellow global elites in government—spun profits out of speculation instead of investing their wealth in domestic jobs and businesses.

    When the resulting bubble finally burst, the immoral government stuck hardworking American taxpayers with the bailout bill. Channeling the spirit of the Tea Party, Bannon blames Republicans as much as Democrats for taking part in cronyism and corruption at the expense of middle class families. And it has made it impossible for the current generation to bequeath a better future to its successors, to fulfill its Burkean duty.

    Judeo-Christian values So what exactly are these traditions that Americans are meant to pass along to future generations? But capitalism alone is not enough. This shared morality ensures that businesses invest not just for their own benefit, but also for the good of native workers and future generations. For Bannon, this tradition is God; nation-states that establish people as the arbiters of truth and justice will ultimately give way to tyranny. The film is full of Robertson offering similar aphorisms about how society falls apart without a religious foundation.

    After all, both of these are traditions that have led America to success in the past. What he believes is that the founding fathers built the nation based on a set of values that come from the Judeo-Christian tradition.

    In order to make sure the whole country is on board with these values, it must limit or halt the influx of people who do not share them by rallying around nationalism.

    Can Shopify sell MAGA hats and social justice at the same time? It's about to find out

    Immigrant labor boosts the corporate profits of globalists and their cronies, who leave it to middle-class natives to educate, feed, and care for these foreigners. The atheistic, pluralist social order that has been allowed to flourish recoils at nationalism and patriotism, viewing them as intolerant and bigoted.

    Mired in near-zero growth and financial chaos, the European Union epitomizes the catastrophic fate of a globalist system governed by elites who are not accountable to the citizens that elected them.

    This shared set of Judeo-Christian, nationalist values prevents minorities from claiming special rights. At the same time, Torchbearer celebrates Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. This erosion of Judeo-Christian nationalism weakens the country. Again, this applies not just to America, but also to other Western countries.

    A theory of generations The crisis of capitalism and the undermining of the Judeo-Christian West that Bannon proclaims in his Vatican lecture is not an isolated event. It is, in his view, one of a repeated cycle of crises that occurs periodically, each of which inevitably culminates in war and conflict on a grand scale.

    This is the great Fourth Turning in American history. The theory views American history through the lens of repeated cycles lasting roughly 80 years, about the length of a single lifetime. What exactly is the current crisis? Inhe appears to have regarded it as the result of the debt racked up in the s and the financial crisis.

    This crisis threatens the very sovereignty of our country. Breitbart London reported that a London college student behind a popular social justice hashtag had threatened the anti-Islam activist Pamela Geller. I spoke to pamela geller and even she said it was rubbish. We can and should win by telling the truth. When I need your advice on anything I will ask. The tech site is a total clusterfuckmeaningless stories written by juveniles. Drop your toys, pick up your tools and go help save western civilization.

    First it was a continued attack on Shaun King, the writer and Black Lives Matter activist whose ethnicity Yiannopoulos had called into question. Brilliant cultural commentator who really got pop culture, the hipster scene and advant [sic] garde…. In May, Bannon invited Yiannopoulos to Cannes for a week for the film festival. The boat was the Sea Owl, a foot yacht owned by the hedge fund billionaire Robert Mercer, who is a major funder of Breitbart and various other far-right enterprises.

    The Mercers were in town to promote Clinton Cash, a film produced by Bannon and their production studio, Glittering Steel. On board, Yiannopoulos drank with, mingled with, and interviewed Phil Robertson, the lavishly bearded patriarch of Duck Dynasty, for his podcast. Yiannopoulos passed it to Charlie Nash, an year-old Englishman whom he had met at a conference of the populist right-wing UK Independence Party conference the previous year, and who started working as his intern immediately after.

    Like some bleach-blonde messiah of anti—political correctness, Yiannopoulos tended to draw in ideologically sympathetic young men at conferences, campus speeches, and on social media, accumulating more and more acolytes as he went along. In September it was Tom Ciccotta, the treasurer of the class of at Bucknell University, who still writes for Breitbart.

    In February it was Hunter Swogger, a University of Michigan student and then the editor of the conservative Michigan Review, whom Yiannopoulos cultivated and brought on as a social media specialist during his Dangerous Faggot tour.

    I need one or two people of my own. Milo: for your eyes only we r going to use the mercers private security company. As Yiannopoulos made the transition in summer from being a writer to becoming largely the star of a traveling stage show, Fleuette was enlisted to process and wrangle the legion of young assistants, managers, trainers, and other talent the Breitbart tech editor demanded be brought along for the ride.

    The two planned a press conference outside a mosque attended by the shooter, Omar Mateen. And it gave Yiannopoulos a staff loyal to him above Breitbart. It also sometimes led to extraordinarily fraught organizational and personal dynamics. But the men were spying on each other. Mike Mahoney, a then—year-old from North Carolina, had to be monitored because of his propensity for racism and anti-Semitism on social media. As the Dangerous Faggot tour swung into gear, Yiannopoulos grew increasingly hostile toward Fleuette, whom he excoriated for late payments to his young crew, lack of support, and disorganization.

    He also heard, with frequency, from accomplished people in predominantly liberal industries — entertainment, tech, academia, fashion, and media — who resented what they felt was a censorious coastal cultural orthodoxy. Taken together, they represent something like a network of sleeper James Damoresvexed but silent for fear of losing their jobs or friends, kvetching to Yiannopoulos as a pressure valve.

    They sometimes became more ammunition for the culture war. In an email to BuzzFeed News, Grandmaison wrote that he was merely voicing concern about a black man being taweez grid by the media, and that "I didn't intend for [Milo] to write about it. According to the Google employee, the sign had turned into an HR problem after employees were angered trades man in kdf saraly Gogy was identified as male.

    Vivek Wadhwaa prominent entrepreneur and academic, reached out repeatedly to Yiannopoulos with stories of what he considered out-of-control political correctness. First it was about a boycott campaign against a Kickstarter with connections to GamerGate. Then it was about Y-Combinator cofounder Paul Graham; Wadwha felt Graham was being unfairly targeted for an essay he wrote about gender inequality in tech. Thiel declined to comment for the story.

    In addition to tech and entertainment, Yiannopoulos had hidden helpers in the liberal media against which he and Bannon fought so uncompromisingly. We just learned about this and have begun a formal review into the matter. Rachel Fulton Brown, a University of Chicago medievalist, sent Yiannopoulos dozens of emails about the history of Christianity, the Crusades, and the righteousness of the West. Scott Walter, president of the conservative think tank the Capital Research Center, advised Yiannopoulos frequently on Republican politics and Catholicism.

    Yiannopoulos recommended one of his young assistants to Walter for a research project. And Ghaffar Hussain, who had previously worked at the controversial counterextremism organization Quilliam, sent Yiannopoulos news that a lecturer at a British university had spoken ambivalently of female genital mutilation.

    The note immediately led to a story on Breitbart. He was a powerful magnet, able to attract the cultural resentment of an enormously diverse coalition and process it into an urgent narrative about the way liberals imperiled America. It was no wonder Bannon wanted to groom Yiannopoulos for media infamy: The bigger the magnet got, the more ammunition it attracted.

    But Yiannopoulos had also drawn others into the machine, others to whom a message about Western culture under threat meant much darker things. Devin Saucier For nearly a decade, Devin Saucier has been establishing himself as one of the bright young things in American white nationalism.

    Inwhile at Vanderbilt University, Saucier founded a chapter of the defunct white nationalist student group Youth for Western Civilization, which counts among its alumni the white nationalist leader Matthew Heimbach. Richard Spencer called him a friend. For the past several years, according to an observer of far-right movements, Saucier has worked as an assistant to Jared Taylor, possibly the most prominent white nationalist in America.

    Saucier — who did not respond to numerous requests for comment — clearly illustrates the direct connection between open white nationalists and their fellow travelers at Breitbart. By springYiannopoulos had begun to use him as a sounding board, intellectual guide, and editor.

    What Steve Bannon really wants

    On May 1, Yiannopoulos emailed Saucier asking for readings related to class-based affirmative action; Saucier responded with a half dozen links on the subject, which American Renaissance often covers.

    Saucier also seems to have had enough clout with Yiannopoulos to get him to kill a story. On May 9, the Breitbart tech editor sent Saucier a full draft of the class-based affirmative action story. Very on brand for me. As his profile rose, he attracted hordes of blazingly racist social media followers — the kind of people who harassed the black Ghostbusters actress Leslie Jones so severely on Twitter that the platform banned Yiannopoulos for encouraging them.

    Patronizing contempt. Your heart is in the right place, young lady, now get a shower and shave those pits. I need to stay, if not clean, then clean enough.


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